Duff-Cooper

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The day before yesterday lunching with H. P., editor of ——-[1].  H. P. rather pessimistic about the war.  Thinks there is no answer to the New Order [2], i.e. this government is incapable of framing any answer, and people here and in America could easily be brought to accept it.  I queried whether people would not for certain see any peace offer along these lines as a trap.  H. P.: “Hells bells, I could dress it up so that they’d think it was the greatest victory in the history of the world.  I could make them eat it.”  That is true, of course.  All depends on the form in which it is put to people.  So long as our own newspapers don’t do the dirty they will be quite indifferent to appeals from Europe.  H. P., however, is certain that ——- [3] and Co. are working for a sell-out.  It appears that though —— [4] is not submitted for censorship, all papers are now warned not to publish interpretations of the government’s policy towards Spain.  A few weeks back Duff-Cooper [5] had the press correspondents up and assured them “on his word of honour” that “things were going very well indeed in Spain.”  The most one can say is that Duff-Cooper’s word of honour is worth more than Hoare’s.

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The German armistice terms are much as expected. . . . What is interesting about the whole thing is the extent to which the traditional pattern of loyalties and honour is breaking down. Pétain, ironically enough, is the originator (at Verdun) of the phrase “ils ne passeront pas”, so long an anti-Fascist slogan. Twenty years ago any Frenchman who would have signed such an armistice would have had to be either an extreme leftwinger or an extreme pacifist, and even then there would have been misgivings. Now the people who are virtually changing sides in the middle of the war are the professional patriots. To Pétain, Laval[1], Flandin[2] and Co. the whole war must have seemed like a lunatic internecine struggle at the moment when your real enemy is waiting to slosh you. . . . It is therefore practically certain that high-up influences in England are preparing for a similar sell-out, and while e.g. — is at — there is no certainty that they won’t succeed even without the invasion of England. The one good thing about the whole business is that the bottom is being knocked out of Hitler’s pretence of being the poor man’s friend. The people actually willing to do a deal with him are bankers, generals, bishops, kings, big industrialists, etc., etc. . . . . Hitler is a leader of tremendous counterattack of the capitalist class, which is forming itself into a vast corporation, losing its privileges to some extent in doing so, but still retaining its power over the working class. When it comes to resisting such an attack as this, anyone who is of the capitalist class must be treacherous or half-treacherous, and will swallow the most fearful indignities rather than put up a real fight. . . . whichever way one looks, whether it is at the wider strategic aspects or the most petty details of local defence, one sees that any real struggle means revolution. Churchill evidently can’t see or won’t accept this, so he will have to go. But whether he goes in time to save England from conquest depends on how quickly the people at large can grasp the essentials. What I fear is that they will never move until it is too late.

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